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In DMCA, discourse ability is separated from grammatical ability firstly, because studies on language impairment indiciate that these two language features might not be equally affected by the impairment cf. Secondly, this follows the traditional linguistic separation. Bachman as well as Bachman and Palmer refer to this component of organisational ability as textual ability. In their model, this ability also covers the rhetorical aspect of conversation, which will be discussed separately in the following section.
This corresponds to two of the seven textuality criteria described by de Beaugrande and Dressler , who further add intentionality, acceptability, informativity, situationality and intertextuality to their framework. These remaining criteria will be referred to in more detail in the description of the remaining components of the Dynamic Model of Communicative Ability.
According to DMCA, language does not exist in a vacuum but needs to be adapted ad hoc to the conversational situation and the interlocutor in this context. Hymes refers to this skill as sociolinguistic abilities and emphasises repeatedly that the ability to produce utterances which are appropriate to a conversational context is as important as the understanding of abstract grammatical rules see section 3 for more detail.
This is also the case for DMCA. However, as DMCA was developed in relation to bilingual speakers and their competence, the cultural aspect of communication and the importance to understand that conversational rules may differ from one language to the other, is added here.
Therefore, it is also referred to as sociocultural competence, as Munby suggested in his model, which also subsumes sociolinguistic and cultural rules. Celce-Murcia chose the same terminology and also combines sociolinguistic and cultural rules. Bachman and Palmer, however, prefer the umbrella term pragmatics, which is split into functional and social rules.
As language functions are already covered as part of interactional ability in DMCA, they are redundant in this context. It has already been argued in the section on language definitions preceding this section that the idealised native speaker is a theoretical construct, which is unsuitable in applied linguistics and particularly in the field of bilingualism, which is by definition a highly heterogenous phenomenon.
Furthermore, bilingual speakers of minority languages may not necessarily be aware of the dialect or sociolect spoken by their family and the connotations they might have in the country the language originated from.
Sensitivity to dialect and sociolects requires an exposure to the whole spectrum of social and regional varieties, which may not be available to bilingual speakers whose language use may be restricted to the home domain. Similarly, sensitivity to native speaker standard is not included as it implies an orientation toward an idealised monolingual standard, which is counterproductive for the description of bilingual speech.
Intertextuality is concerned with the fact that intertextual references can only be meaningful and relevant if interlocutors are aware of preceding references. One can assume that these might depend on cultural settings and therefore bilingual speakers need to be particularly aware how much information they can assume from their interlocutors.
To sum up, sociocultural ability in DMCA refers to pragmatic abilities and hence the awareness of politeness rules, forms of address as well as the use of colloquial language and swear words. For the bilingual setting it encompasees accurate language use in a monolingual setting, i.
In other words, sociocultural ability in DMCA refers to an awareness of what is socially acceptable in different conversational settings and the ability to act accordingly.
These conventions concern verbal as well as nonverbal rules, such as for example the perception of personal space. Therefore, the ability to circumvent procedural a lack of vocabulary or insufficient knowledge of a grammatical structure declarative is key to succesful communication. Hence strategic ability forms one of the six components of the Dynamic Model of Communicative Ability. Celce-Murcia et al.
However, based on Bachman and Bachman , who define strategic competence as underlying mechanisms that are constantly activated to enable communication, Celce-Murcia and colleagues add self-monitoring and interactional strategies to their definition. These skills are undoubtedly essential for succesful communication, which is why they are subsumed in two separate abilities in the Dynamic Model of Communicative Ability, rather than as a component of strategic abilities.
The reason for this separation is that strategic ability is a skillset that comes into play at all levels of communicative ability. Despite this separation for theoretical purposes and ease of discussion, it should not be forgotten that the crucial aspect of this new model of communicative ability is the constant interaction between all components.
Due to the dynamic nature of the model proposed here, it is avoided to propose a taxonomy of communication strategies because one essential aspect of dynamc systems is consistent development and change, leading to new and previously unknown features.
In other words, strategic ability as defined in the DMCA, is a creative process that combines all levels of communicative ability in order to make communication happen. It therefore links abstract language knowledge to the requirements of a communicative situation. These choices happen on-line and ad hoc during the communicative act, which also explains why it is argued that communicative ability is a trait rather than a state, which changes according to the demands of a communicative situation see section 4.
In other words, monitoring ability coordinates linguistic, discourse, interaction and sociocultural patterns as well as strategic ability in response to the communicative situation.
It therefore represents the fluid aspect of communication Cattell, in an integrated model of communicative ability, where crystallised and fluid abilities interact to create meaningful interaction.
In the light of a myriad of research on bilingualism showing a clear connection between bilingual exposure and cognitive changes e. The underlying hypothesis is that in case Language Impairment is domain- specific, only certain aspects of DMCA would be affected such as shown in studies investigating double dissociations in aphasic patients e. Caramazza, It is therefore essential to note that the six components and thus Dynamic Communicative Ability as a whole, are synchronically and diachronically dynamic.
In addition, it has been noted, that not only the six components of DMCA interact but also the two languages within the same multilingual speaker, as a result of which an individual code emerges.
The complete interconnectedness and interaction of all six components of DMCA are illustrated once more in figure 5. It becomes clear from this illustration that linguistic, discourse, socio-cultural, interactional and strategic competence are only partly overlapping between the two languages, while monitoring competence, the underlying cognitive processes steering the communicative act, are entirely overlapping as they are responsible for a successful ommunicative outcome as a whole.
It also becomes apparent that the monitoring competence of a bilingual speaker is represented in form of a thicker line, showing the cognitive advantages of bilingualism cf.
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It will be shown in section two five of this thesis, that bilingual speakers show advantages in language-general cognitive control functions but can exhibit disadvantages in comparison to monolingual speakers, when their language-specific knowledge is tested, particularly if only one of two languages is assessed.
Additionally, it was illustrated that individual variation is inherent to dynamic systems and that it should hence be accepted as inherent to human language, instead of considering it as noise in the data. According to Grosjean, multilingual speakers always maintan an overall level of communicative ability, even in case on of their two languages declines or they are unevenly developed. This is also shown by the consistent form of the monitoring ability, which is still better developed than in a system where only one language is present and additionally, maintains its role as a control mechanism.
This illustration further shows that, potentially, some abilities can develop more to compensate for limited knowledge in another competence. In figure 7 this is illustrated by particularly well developed strategic competence, which developed in reaction to a certain lack in other abilities. Dorian showed for example that semi-speakers of Gaelic could have a better communicative ability than linguistic abilitiy, which is mainly due to their increased strategic ability.
This is in line with dynamic systems theory, according to which the components of a system develop in reaction to each other.
The aim of figure 8 is to illustrate that despite individual differences, which are inherent in dynamic systems and therefore in language, the components create a coherent whole — a language. In addition, this illustration further shows that a change in one sub-component can but does not have to result in the change of the larger system, and the other way around, creating new forms and individual varieties.
The question remains, however, how multilingual communicative ability is affected in speakers with atypical language development. The following figures show an attempt to illustrate how different definitions of language impairment would apply to communicative language ability, which will be discussed in detail in section 6.
Bearing in mind that communication consists of more than grammatical ability, it could be hypothesised that within a model of dynamic communicative ability, the other abilities should be able to compensante for a lack in one component, resulting in an overall intact communicative ability. This is not to say that according to a traditional definition of language impairment, children with such a deficiency are equally competent language users as children without language impairment but it is hypothesised that if language impairment only affected one of the six components involved in communication, the other abilities should be able to compensate for this deficit, resulting in a different but ultimately competent use of language.
If, however, the problem in children with language impairment lies in their ability to monitor the communicative situation and to act and react accordingly, it can be hypothesised that a qualitatively different picture would emerge. An attempt to illustrate such a difference is presented in figure Based on dynamics systems theory, it can further be hypothesised that these differences would manifest themselves both synchronically and diachronically, showing distinct communicative abilities of bilingual children across communicative situations and a distinct development of these abilities over time.
It was therefore the aim of this study to directly compare the communicative abilities of a bilingual child with typical language development and his twin brother with language impairment, in order to find out whether their communicative abilities are qualitatively distinct across all domains, or whether overlaps can be observed in certain components.
The results of this investigation will be presented in chapter 10 of this thesis. It further became clear from the sections discussing various definitions of language and communicative competence as well as the new Dynamic Model of Communicative Ability DMCA that bilingualism is an inherently heterogenous phenomenon, which is influenced by a number of external and internal factors.
The relevance of this traditional classification will be discussed in relation to dynamic systems theory. This overview of different forms of bilingualism will be followed by a review of findings regarding the six components of Dynamic Communicative Ability, namely linguistic, discourse, sociocultural, interactional, strategic and monitoring abilities of bilingual children. It will be argued that within a framework of dynamic systems theory, it would not make any sense for a substantial and long-term experience like bilingual exposure not to have any effect on various aspects of communicative ability.
This is to say that they can either know both languages equally well, or know one language better than the other. However, this strict notion of language dominance has repeatedly been criticised in more recent publications for painting a simplistic picture of what is essentially a highly complex issue. Treffers-Daller a concludes that these aspects of bilingual language use have been largely disregarded in the study of bilingual language dominance and therefore require further attention if the concept of bilingual language dominance is to be extended to socio- and psycholinguistic factors.
This emphasises the importance of moving beyond grammatical and lexical abilities when describing typically and atypically developing bilingual children.
Therefore, a more nuanced definition, which accounts for language domains and genres in bilingualism, should be embraced. This is in line with Roumaine Romaine, , who argues that the notion of balanced bilingualism has its roots in a wrong perception of bilinguals as two monolinguals in one person. This is to say that the concept of balanced bilingualism stems from the implicit expectation that bilingual speakers need to perform like monolingual speakers in both their languages in order to be classified as balanced.
If, however, they do not perform like monolingual native speakers in one of their languages, they would be defined as dominant bilinguals. Bearing the inherent domain-specificity of bilingual language knowledge and use in mind Grosjean, ; such a classification of balanced and dominant bilingualism appears to be counter-productive for the description of bilingual language users.
As a way out of the conundrum of how to account for the complexity of bilingual language dominance, Birdsong suggests to describe bilingual dominance as a continuum instead of a categorical variable.
De Houwer , for example, argues that language dominance may not be a useful concept for the description of bilingual language acquisition due to its instability across time.
This is a crucial point to note in relation to language as a dynamic system. As has been discussed in detail in section 4. For the concept of language dominance, this implies that it could not be defined as a consistent state but rather subject to constant change depending on communicative environments and requirements. The question therefore arises whether language dominance is a crucial criterion when describing bilingual speakers in general and bilingual children in particular.
According to the definition provided in their publication, compound bilingualism refers to an organisation where two translation equivalents refer to the same concept, whereas co-ordinate bilingualism describes a state where two words in two languages refer to two difference semantic representations. In neurolinguistics, the question whether two languages are stored together or separately has also been widely discussed. Other evidence from neurolinguistics suggests differences in the language processing of early and late bilinguals e.
La Heij, ; Wattendorf et al. Increased activation of the prefrontal cortex suggested that both languages are active at the same time and bilinguals need to make additional use of their control functions to inhibit the one they are not currently using. This hypothesis has been confirmed repeatedly in psycholinguistic studies investigating the cognitive effects of bilingualism cf.
These studies suggest that cognitive plasticity remains into adulthood and therefore, cognitive organisation may change over time. Based on these insights, two factors appear to play a significant role in the cognitive organisation of languages; age of acquisition and proficiency.
In relation to dynamic systems theory it becomes clear that cognitive organisation is yet another aspect of bilingualism that is not static but prone to change and open to external influences. It could therefore be argued that the dichotomy between coordinate and compound bilingualism is not so much an opposition as it is a continuum and bilinguals may find themselves more toward one or the other end of this continuum.
Based on recent insights from psycho — and neurolinguistics, it seems unlikely, however, that both languages are stored as completely independent entities. This is due to an ongoing debate regarding the accurate cut-off age between simultaneous and sequential bilingualism, with suggestions ranging from early childhood to adolescence. It is also possible that the cut-off age may not be universal for all language skills but differ for phonological, morphosyntactic and lexical development.
This would also be supported by evidence from feral children who were found to acquire lexis quite successfully, even with an age of onset beyond the age of three, but showed substantial difficulties with phonology and grammar see above.
Hamers and Blanc further split child bilingualism into simultaneous and consecutive bilingualism. This can range from seven years of age to post-puberty. Foster-Cohen addresses the problem of establishing a cut-off point between L1 and L2 and points out the drawbacks of such sharp cutoffs. She argues that linguistic development is far too diverse in order to be classified in such strict categories. Foster-Cohen suggests that L1 can be distinguished from L2 from at least three points of view: This makes it difficult to pin down the boundary between L1 and L2 at a certain age.
Such an interactive and complex view of the relationship between L1 and L2 is in line with principles three, four, ten and eleven of dynamic systems theory as presented by Larsen-Freeman see section 4.
As Foster-Cohen quite clearly illustrates, a myriad of factors need to be taken into account when differentiating between simultaneous and early sequential bilinguals. Paradis, Genesee and Crago Children from a majority ethnolinguistic group who have learned or are learning two majority languages simultaneously from birth or at least before 3 years of age. Children form a majority ethnolinguistic group who have learned or are learning a second language after their first language was established.
The second language could be a minority or majority language of the community. Children from a minority ethnolinguistic group who have learned or are learning two languages simultaneously from birth, or at least before 3 years of age.
One language could be a majority language. Children from a minority ethnolinguistic group who have learned or are learning a second language after their first language was established.
The second language is typically the majority language and the language of schooling. At first, the inclusion of membership in any of these ethnolinguistic groups might look like one criterion only but a closer investigation shows that it actually encompasses many more sociolinguistic factors that are regarded as essential in the linguistic development of bilingual children. Firstly, quantity and quality of input of minority languages can be expected to differ significantly from input patterns of majority languages.
In addition, even the input they receive from their mothers may differ depending on whether they grow up in a minority or majority language setting. Thirdly, such a distinction might even be an indicator of socio-economic status if assumed that the largest proportion of minority language speakers is part of the migrant population.
According to them, bilinguals can be classified as being bicultural if they identify themselves as belonging to both ethnolinguistic groups and are recognised by each group as a member. However, if they only identify with one of the two groups, they either have an L1-monocultural identity or are L2- acculturated.
In a last scenario, a bilingual might neither identify with their L1 nor their L2 ethnolinguistic community and therefore becomes deculturated. Membership in ethnolinguistic communities is an important aspect of bilingual development. De Houwer also stresses the importance of research in the field of harmonious bilingualism, a term referring to conflict-free and therefore more beneficial bilingual development. By doing so, De Houwer emphasises the necessity of going beyond the language level if we want to understand bilingual development.
This is again in line with the principles of dynamic systems theory stating that complex systems are open, that they interact with their environment and that this environment is actually part of complex systems. The following sections will give an overview of research in the areas of bilingual linguistic, discourse, sociocultural, interactional, strategic and monitoring abilities.
The first section will discuss their phonetic and phonological development, followed by a summary of findings regarding their lexical development and finally their acquisition of morphology and syntax will be presented. This is not to say, however, that a comparison between bilinguals and monolinguals is negative per se.
Therefore this section will present some insights on differences in the phonological development of monolingual and bilingual children.
It has been shown that monolingual and bilingual speech perception may already differ at birth cf. It has further been shown that bilingual children can discriminate between their native language and phonologically similar languages, such as Spanish and Catalan, by the age of 4 months while monolingual children fail to do so cf. Liu, for a review. This suggests that bilingual experience already influences phonological discrimination ability within the first year of life.
Quite like monolingual children, bilinguals appear to apply universal preferences when acquiring the phonology of their two native languages. They have been observed to simplify consonant clusters by either omitting one consonants in such a cluster i. In addition to these similarities with monolingual phonological acquisition, interferences from one language in the other have also been observed among bilingual children.
Anderson observed in a longitudinal study of various bilingual children that L2 learners seemed to rely on their L1 phonology in order to acquire unknown sounds in their second language. She did, however, also observe that this positive transfer of phonological information did not hinder children to keep their two phonological systems apart. En and colleagues also observed Mandarin influences on the English of Singaporean bilingual children, which were stronger for Mandarin-dominant children than their English-dominant peers.
They therefore suggest employing local dialects as targets in speech and language therapy. In her study of vowel acquisition she found German-Spanish bilingual children to acquire the vowel length distinction in German at a slower rate than their monolingual peers but Spanish vowels at the same rate. This suggests that cross-linguistic influences in phonology may vary depending on the complexity of a phonological system.
Holm and Dodd qt. Holm and Dodd further observed the bilingual English-Cantonese speakers in their study to make more vowel errors than monolinguals and to produce phonemes that could not be said to belong to either of the two languages. This last point might suggest the existence of an interlanguage not only in regard to morphosyntactic elements of a language but also in respect to phonology.
Based on the studies presented in this section, it can be concluded that more studies focusing on bilingual phonological development are needed in order to shed light on the question as to how far dual language learners transfer knowledge from their L1 and as to precisely which errors could be classified as belonging to a phonological interlanguage. As studies on feral children show e.
If this thought it spun further, one might arrive at the conclusion that bilingual children get half as much input in each language as monolingual children and therefore their language must develop at a slower rate.
However, Hart and Risley have shown that monolingual language environments are highly variable and therefore such a conclusion appears to be too simple to grasp the entirety of an issue as complex as language development.
De Houwer b presented data from an extensive questionnaire study investigating the vocabulary development of monolingual and bilingual children and its link to input patterns, which showed very high variability in regard to the number of words spoken in both monolingual and bilingual families.
In other words, there are families who speak more and families who speak less, irrespective of their bilingual status.
This finding emphasises once more the significance of SES in language development. While monolinguals and bilinguals may not differ as much as previously assumed in regard to their overall language input and output, variation has certainly been observed in relation to the input bilingual children receive in each of their two languages.
Hui , for example, found exposure to each language to be linked to vocabulary size in this language in a study of bilingual children in Singapore. The 5-year-old English-Japanese L2 learner in their study showed a different lexical development in her L2 than in her L1 and in comparison to monolingual standards. While, obviously, lexis itself needs to be acquired anew for each language excluding loan words and cognates , general knowledge about linguistic functions are likely to be used and maybe re- evaluated with every new language a person learns.
The results showed that bilingual children were more tolerant or indifferent? This is, the vast majority of them simply accepted the fact that the same celestial body could also carry a different label without changing its function. Such higher levels of tolerance toward ambiguity result from the fact that bilinguals are used to the same phenomena carrying two different labels because they are exposed to two different lexcial systems referring to largely the same items on an everyday basis.
The results obtained from this experiment have been replicated with similar results on numerous occasions cf. Bialystok, providing profound evidence for better metalinguistic understanding of lexical items in bilinguals.
To sum up, this section highlighted the importance of input and exposure for both monolingual and bilingual lexical development. It also emphasised the significance of socio-economic background for language development in general and vocabulary acquisition in particular. The importance of input and family background for vocabulary development also corresponds to principles one, three and nine of Dynamics Systems Theory as proposed by Larsen-Freeman see section 4. Lakshmanan, for a review.
Additionally, she interpreted the comparable profiles of both bilingual groups as evidence for minimal influence of one language on the other.
According to Paradis and colleagues it takes English L2 children 2- 3 years to produce plural —s and progressive —ing but up to 5 years to acquire third person singular —s and past tense —ed.
They explain this unique pattern of L2 acquisition with the missing surface inflection hypothesis, according to which morphological information is not available to speakers postyntax cf. Another explanation comes from the field of English as a Lingua Franca, where is has been hypothesised repeatedly that the third person singular —s does not carry any communicative function and is therefore particularly difficult to acquire for English language learners.
The previous section on bilingual lexical development stressed the importance of exposure for vocabulary growth. Thordardottir made the same observation for bilingual morphosyntactic development.
According to her study on three and five-year-old English-French bilinguals, children with equal exposure to both languages score similarly to monolingual peers on MLU and accuracy as well as diversity of morphological use. Children with unequal exposure to their two languages, on the other hand, scored significantly lower than monolingual peers in their non-dominant language.
Based on the studies presented in this section, no clear conclusion can be drawn as to the morphosyntactic abilities of bilingual children in contrast to their monolingual peers.
Exposure certainly appears to play a crucial role in the ultimate attainment of grammatical properties by bilingual speakers but it remains unclear whether bilingual children acquire both their grammars similarly to each other and to monolingual peers, or whether qualitative differences can be observed in their acquisition processes.
Based on the studies presented here, it appears to be likely, however, that the two languages stand in interaction with each other, even though opposing theories persist regarding the question whether grammatical structures are directly transferred from one language to the other, or whether transfer occurs on a deeper, metalinguistic level.
Studies reporting increased metalinguistic skills in bilingual children appear to support the latter hypothesis. Insights on grammatical abilities in bilingual children stress once more the significance of exposure to both languages.
This corresponds once more to one of the core principles of dynamic systems theory, namely the interaction of a system with its environment. Furthermore, the observed interaction between the two languages of bilinguals, whether this interaction occurs on a structure-specific or a more general metalinguistic level, is in line with the principle of dynamic systems theory emphasising the interaction of smaller components in a larger, complex system.
The studies presented in this section were all concerned with the linguistic abilities of bilingual children but as previous sections on definitions of language and communicative competence as well as the new Dynamic Model of Communicative Ability illustrated, communication goes beyond the grammatical level. It will become clear from this overview that the main focus of bilingualism studies have been the linguistic and monitoring or cognitive abilities of bilingual children, while findings in the remaining areas are still rather scarce.
So much so that an entire special issue of the Applied Psycholinguistics journal was dedicated to research on bilingual narrative abilities in early However, as all studies used the LITMUS-MAIN narrative assessment tool developed by Gagarina and colleagues, this overview will be supplemented by research employing different tools, in order to ensure that results are not a test artifact.
In addition, the findings presented in this section will be related to the principles of dynamic systems theory presented in section 4. The studies in this special issue analysed structure and complexity of stories told by children between the ages of three and nine. Most of them focused on the age span between five and seven years of age, which corresponds to the beginning of primary school in most countries.
This finding was particularly robust for comparisons between 3-toyear-olds and older age groups, and less evident in a comparison between 7 and 9-year-olds Gagarina, This is to say that age was a particularly good predictor of narrative abilities when younger groups were compared to older groups but less so when older children were compared to each other. Firstly, it stresses the importance of exposure and therefore the environment, which is of course crucial for dynamic systems.
German — Turkish vs. Bohnacker and Kunnari et al. Kupersmitt and colleagues also found bilingual-specific acquisition patterns in their study of Hebrew language learners. Gagarina proposes that certain aspects of macrostructure could rely less on linguistic proficiency, and therefore vary less among different bilinguals but the correlation between exposure and macro- structure attainment requires further investigation.
To sum up, this section on narrative abilities in bilingual children emphasised the essential role of exposure for bilingual language development, which became apparent from findings on both the micro — and the macrostructure and across various language combinations.
It remains unclear as to whether bilinguals are able to transfer their macrostructural knowledge from one language to another and their ability to do so appears to be linked to their overall language proficiency. Overall, research on bilingual interactional abilities is rather sparse, despite the fact that languages have been found to differ in their turn-taking behaviour Stivers et al.
Based on these insights, the question arises whether bilingual speakers differ from their monolingual peers in their conversational behaviour due to their bilingual exposure. Du-Babcock investigated the turn-taking behaviour during business meetings in the Hong Kong bilingual environment and found that the majority of Chinese-English bilinguals adapted their communicative behaviour to the requirements of the interaction.
This is to say that they followed Cantonese, or spiral, conversational patterns during monolingual Cantonese meetings but displayed English, or linear, topic management behaviour in English-speaking settings. Raymond studied question and response patterns in English- Spanish bilinguals and found that they differed from their monolingual peers mainly in regard to their use of code-switching, which of course was not available as a resource to monolingual speakers.
Other than that, Raymond found bilinguals and monolinguals to overlap largely in their Spanish question- answer sequences. She found proficient bilinguals to transfer American English backchanneling behaviour to their German conversations. The studies published in a special issue of the International Journal of Bilingualism on discourse markers in bilingual speech add yet another perspective to bilingual interactional behaviour.
They focus particularly on language alternation during these parts of speech. De Rooij observed Shaba Swahili-French bilinguals to employ French discourse markers during Shaba Swahili conversations and suggests that this may be a sign of highlighting discourse markers.
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In other words, de Rooij argues that bilinguals code-switch consciously to increase contrastiveness and therefore maximise saliency.
Based on her longitudinal case study of two English-Hebrew bilinguals Maschler a suggested that such language alternations at discourse markers become independent of their metalinguistic frame over time, particularly for the heavier code-switcher.
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According to her study on three and five-year-old English-French bilinguals, children with equal exposure to both languages score similarly to monolingual peers on MLU and accuracy as well as diversity of morphological use. New Gold First Certificate.. Based on these insights, the question arises whether bilingual speakers differ from their monolingual peers in their conversational behaviour due to their bilingual exposure.
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