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Igcse English Poetry Anthology. Songs of Ourselves analysis. Literature CIE Exam Questions Songs of Ourselves. Songs of Ourselves 2: Cambridge International Examinations Anthology of Poetry in English is a brand new selection which follows on from the very successful. SONGS OF OURSELVES: THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE INTERNATIONAL . EXAMINATIONS ANTHOLOGY OF POETRY IN ENGLISH (SECTION 5).


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This is a book of memory, identity, and poetry—and also a book about memory, identity, and poetry. It is also a book about writing books—a book written in the. Songs of Ourselves Volume 1. Cambridge Assessment International Education Anthology of Poetry in English. Thomas Hardy, 'The Voice'. 2. Allen Curnow, 'Time'. 3. Matthew Arnold, 'Dover Beach'. 4. Adrienne Rich, 'Amends'. 5. Ted Hughes, 'Full Moon and Little Frieda'.

Download preview PDF. Skip to main content. Advertisement Hide. Owen Jr. This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access. Abrams, M. A glossary of literary terms 7th ed. Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace College Publishers.

Google Scholar. Berner, R.

The required past: World enough and time. Gray Ed. A collection of critical essays pp. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. Block, A. A deconstructive reading of the school text.

Pinar Ed. Twenty years of JCT pp.

New York, NY: Peter Lang. Original work published Google Scholar. Bloom, H. Burt Ed. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana University Press. Brooks, C. Experience redeemed in knowledge. Bloom Ed. Robert Penn Warren pp. Chelsea House. Caputo, J. Deconstruction in a nutshell: A conversation with Jacques Derrida.

Fordham University Press. Clements, A. Sacramental vision: The poetry of Robert Penn Warren. Clark Ed. Boston, MA: Hall and Company. Corrigan, L. Poetry, — In Poems of pure imagination: Robert Penn Warren and the romantic tradition pp. Louisiana State University Press. Dickey, J. A reading and commentary. Edgar Ed. Views of Robert Penn Warren. Dylan Thomas. Allen et al. British literature p.

Evanston, IL: McDougal Littell. Faulkner, S. Knit four, frog one poems. On Shabbat, Jews refrain from doing any kind of creative labor. But the three most popular items, the Messianic Shabbat Siddur prayer book now in three languages, English and Spanish, and the Messianic High Holiday. Amidah Hebrew 4. These precious years at Princeton are a gift, marked each week by the holy Sabbath. We use your LinkedIn profile and activity data to personalize ads and to show you more relevant ads.

We are presenting this electronic version of the U. At least two candles should be lit, representing the dual commandments to remember and to keep the sabbath. Observing Shabbat at Home 1. Topics: Jewish prayer, prayer book, Ashkenaz Original edition. It is said that the ultimate Redemption will be on Shabbat, bimhayrah beyameynoo, let it come speedily in our days. This site is like a library, Use published by the.

Cambridge International Examinations Songs of Ourselves: Volume 2

When you understand how the prayers are put together and what they are trying to say, your experience of prayer will be much deeper. Opening Prayer. Central is a model of what every synagogue should be: transforming the way people experience Jewish life, cultivating ongoing exploration, and pursuing a powerful vision for the role of Judaism in the world.

Thy dominion endures throughout all generations. Our ancestors shaped these texts into prayers of joy and contemplation, readings upon which to reflect and to evoke emotional response, Shabbat. Candle lighting blessings before Shabbat Main article: Shabbat Note: The Shabbat candles should be lit not later than eighteen minutes before sunset on Friday at dusk. This Siddur includes: broad selection of readings, including beloved passages from 2.

There are many types of Siddurim available, but they all share a similar underlying structure. Sometimes, for the sake of convenience, the Shabbat and Rosh-Chodesh prayers may be printed in a separate Shabbat Morning Classical Service 1. Praying the prayers in the siddur Jewish prayer book can seem overwhelming for the beginner…. More than five hundred people fill the Sanctuary on Friday evenings as the congregation and our welcome visitors join in worship and song.

The Messianic Prayer Book. Our varied worship services are known for their warmth, joy and spirit in keeping with Jewish tradition. Some Prayers from Our Shabbat Service. Shevet Achim is a Modern Orthodox synagogue. This site is like a library, you could find million book here by using search box in the widget.

An English translation of the prayers is found opposite each page. Including services for Shabbat and texts for more than a hundred songs, Mishkan T'filah reflects the full diversity of our Movement. Conservative Prayers. downloading a Siddur. Let Shabbat be a time not only of relaxation, but also of re-creation. We will produce a separate Siddur for the daily prayers and blessings for those that wish to use them. Use this time wisely — not only to do but also to be.

Tefilah: Prayer. At the end of each section we have included pages for individuals to include additional information and personal notes. We will make that available once it is ready. Prayer of Welcome 2. Amidah for Shabbat in English 5. Vincent Millay and Edgar A. Edgar Guest embodied similar contradictions. A poet of the domestic and the sentimental, he was, in his own way, also a master of the modern.

I consider the experiences, for example, of schoolchildren, immigrants, mothers, worshippers, and campers. I explore various aspects of this site in relation to poetry: Poetry, I show, nurtured civic pride and unity while allaying cultural anxieties at commemorative events; in the hands of clubwomen and settlement house workers, it became a means to assist urban immigrants.

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My greater interest, however, is in the emotional or psychological weight that poetry bore within the context of the family and other intimate relationships. This chapter ends by examining the correspondence between Carl Sandburg and his audience to reveal the emotional ties and putative intimacy that real poets and readers could mutually create.

This chapter also moves ahead to the s in order to look at the religious appropriation of verse from the viewpoint of a participant in revisions to the Reform Jewish High Holiday prayerbook. Similar ambivalences about the relationship between poetry and nature conditioned the celebrity of cowboy poets at the turn of the twentieth century and the verse-reading practices of Girl Scouts and Camp Fire Girls. As American readers compounded meanings out of printed words and their social uses, they bridged a number of divides: Dickens, Robert Burns, Longfellow.

The separation was not total; seers performed a social mission in the act of communicating, and their insight enriched culture overall.

Yet standing above politics and self-interest, the seer Emerson imagined enlightened his readers from the height—and the distance—of his conscience and his ideals. As another commentator, Charles F. Although Thwing acknowledged that most readers had to overcome a natural reaction against the genre because it used unfamiliar diction, he and his contemporaries assumed that any seer worthy of the name would speak in exalted or mystical phrases.

Even if one accepts the debatable premise that certain elements in American culture—Shakespeare, classical music—became sacralized in the course of the nineteenth century, the popular image of poetry which the Emersonian tradition promoted was not susceptible to that process because, from that romantic perspective, it was an inherently sacred form. Equally prominent is the sage, the dispenser of wisdom to the citizenry.

Although the composition and delivery of eulogies, commemorative odes, and occasional verse are ancient cross-cultural practices, for Americans such forms, imported from eighteenth-century London, were hallmarks of civility. Even when they employed prose sentences, they were giving writers of verse a public presence. Among other things, those responses demonstrate that some American readers deplored obscurity in poetry long before modernism made such remarks habitual.

The fourth writer was Emerson. But the send-up more subtly attributed to its targets traits that were less easy to refute. In that respect they were misplaced not only as easterners who had wandered west, but also as effete holdovers from an era that was fortunately vanishing.

At the home of Representative later President James A. Their reputations derived as well from their ability to capitalize on the rise of authorship as a profession in the United States. That development required a quality with which Twain did not credit them: In addition, by the s both poets and publishers discovered that they could make money by reprinting magazine verse in volumes of collected works or in anthologies such as Rufus W.

The inclusion of poems in gift books beginning in the s, and the manufacture of deluxe, illustrated editions as well as cheap ones for mass consumption, also encouraged readers to think of poets as producers of a valuable commodity.

Longfellow also made a concerted effort to establish the gender of the professional poet as masculine, undercutting the image of Byron and Shelley as sensitive, effeminate romantics even as he retained the sentimental plot devices and emotionalism associated with women.

Longfellow himself kept a sharp eye on the audiences for various editions of his works. Throughout the nineteenth century and up to the present , it coexisted and overlapped with amateur traditions. But women also sustained amateurism because prescribed gender roles discouraged their economic independence and because critics disdained the sentimental mode in which most women poets wrote.

Songs of Ourselves Volume 2 Igcse

Furthermore, even for men, the literary culture of the time did not support a rigid distinction between amateur and professional. The relative ease of working in the genre—compared, for example, with the composition of music—prompted both men and women with literary inclinations to write poems as a hobby.

Amateurism also coexisted with the ethos of professionalism in the sense that not all of the schoolroom poets resembled Longfellow in the wholehearted embrace of commercial considerations. Longfellow, Whittier, et al. The autograph hunters who plagued Whittier overcame even that distance by going directly to the source. Hayes and convinced the President to give him a copy of a speech. Holmes, Longfellow, and Emerson. Emerson, whose writings Bok kept in his pocket, was by then suffering from dementia, but favored his visitor with a signature.

Edward smiled back at the poet, and immediately the two were friends. But if Bok was somewhat disingenuous, his stance was consistent with his depiction of these poets as only tangentially connected to the business of publishing. The author, Frederic L. Luqueer, an amateur poet with a Ph.

Yet that reference accentuates the stature of the schoolroom poets as human beings, not simply as artists. The performance—a third celebrated moment encapsulating the history of poetry in American culture—unfolded before distinguished statesmen, civic leaders, and other luminaries. Soon afterwards, however, Monroe experienced a protracted nervous illness. A Magazine of Verse. Bryant died in Many wondered whether adequate verse would emerge from the diminished ranks of its creators.

Within that category, realism emerged as the style consonant with the massive economic and social changes of the period. In its materials and in the circumstances of its production, realism faithfully exhibited the pervasive effects of urbanization, immigration, and modernization in the aftermath of brutal war. Nor did the poet seem equipped to record the pace and scope of social change. As a reviewer commented in noting the weaknesses of E.

Still, apart from the PW retrospective, which cited strikes and overproduction, the implication of the PW assessments was that poets had failed to offer the book industry enough manuscripts of literary promise. Book publishers, Monroe thought, were equally culpable. The manifesto she wrote to publicize the launching of Poetry declared: From the perspective of readers and amateurs, the history of poetry in these years had somewhat different rhythms. An even bigger jump—from to —had occurred the previous year.

Variations in physical makeup in turn created and reinforced differences in the cultural expectations surrounding a given poetry volume—whether it seemed ephemeral or carried an aura of permanence, whether it signaled spiritual weight or frivolous amusement. The total output of volumes emanated from four sources: Badger Within the output from mainstream publishing houses, half 58 were new original works; the other 58 consisted of reprints and translations.

To be sure, most poetry especially non-reprints came from other sources. Macmillan the American branch of the British house built the strongest reputation for consistently doing so. Stokes, and the nondenominational Protestant concern of Fleming H. Revell did the same to a lesser degree, bringing out one or two volumes of contemporary poetry in a given season. Do you know whether it was regularly offered to other American publishers or not?

In any event was it offered to an American publisher before it was offered to an English house? This activity took place all over the country; representative titles for included Seeds of Truth, printed by a Seattle concern, and After Noontide, issued by the Nicholson Printing and Manufacturing Company of Richmond, Indiana. Authorial subvention also worked against the idea that the poet deserved the payment due any other professional.

Nevertheless, while presumably they mainly considered themselves amateurs, the creators of such non-commercial texts did not necessarily see their position as that of unfortunates mired at the bottom of the publishing hierarchy. Critics and scholars who have done so have usually adopted one of two lines of argument. Like Riley, he also provides a useful reminder that feminist defenses of sentimentalism do not account for the enormously popular writers in that vein who were men.

Carleton followed up with Farm Ballads , which sold 40, copies in short order. Yet, at the same time, he expressed skepticism about the standards of cultural authorities: Never since have I been able to bring myself to regard its editor [quite possibly Monroe] as a discriminating judge of good poetry.

Reprinting was at the heart of nineteenth-century book culture even in the antebellum period. Hall has termed them. At the turn of the century, new Household editions appeared three years in a row, along with a Cabinet edition in As Knowles asked in his Critic response, what school or municipal library could function without the complete works of Longfellow, Lowell, and Whittier?

Perhaps New York, Chicago, Philadelphia and Boston are too busy for it, but I do not believe that we of the great Middle West, and the people of the old New England towns, and the old dramatic Southerners have yet gotten past it. One formulation emerged from the work of the philologist Francis B.

Although he granted that contemporary verse lacked the power that Tennyson and Longfellow had commanded, he thought the decline only temporary. In an essay of , Gummere asked: And what age has not thought itself at the death-bed of poetry? Duffus, who had graduated from high school in Waterbury, Vermont, the previous year, received an assignment from his boss at the Waterbury Record to cover a poetry reading in the next town.

Duffus, who later became a prominent contributor to sociological studies of books and the arts in American life, had been steeping himself in the literature available at the local public library. Too shy to speak to him, Duffus followed Carleton to the Green Mountain Seminary, where thirty or forty people had assembled for the reading. Of course as a memoirist Duffus had the advantage of hindsight: For one thing, Duffus ascribed to Carleton the performance skills that were identifying marks of American consumer culture in the twentieth century.

Harriet Monroe. The vignette is a virtually unknown sequel to the famous appearance of Monroe at the Columbian Exposition: In August, however, Monroe relented.

This is the image of the young Edna St. Vincent Millay as the darling of Greenwich Village in the teens and twenties. To the audiences that made her a symbol of liberation, Millay exuded sophistication—a quality that in this context was a composite of theatricality and bohemianism. Starting in the s, however, the association between the poet and the actor was heightened by a type of cosmopolitan demeanor that developed hand in hand with the growth of New York nightlife.

The play which Millay joined when she arrived there addressed the power of the writer to live fully and, at the same time, to advance a set of political ideals. To be sure, older forms of social exchange did not disappear. As Millay demonstrated with seeming tirelessness, the most obvious way in which Villagers pursued that ethos was in the area of sex. As Sandra M. Vincent Millay as innocent. Library of Congress. A Brooklyn resident, Crane began composing verse on a typewriter in , when she was nine.

At the suggestion of her father, an erstwhile self-published poet and former newspaper copy editor, she sent two poems to an acquaintance of his, the managing editor of the Brooklyn Daily Times. The editor dispatched a reporter to interview the child. For the next few weeks, newspapers around the country ran articles treating Crane as a literary prodigy.

Yet the hoopla it generated was the result of more than the well-developed state of journalistic exploitation. At precisely the moment when, as Robert and Helen M.

Just a little girl with large hazel eyes and light brown hair, dressed in a short blue linen frock. Babylon and Troy.

The large, approving audiences that these poets garnered by manifesting either womanly allure, girlish cuteness, or both, testify to the contrary. Furthermore, she exhibited a decidedly unsentimental and, at the time, stereotypically unfeminine interest in building a career: Such moves indicate that, along with childlike innocence, Millay evinced sophistication in a double sense—market savvy along with bohemianism—and that she confounded gender categories in doing so.

This was Edgar A. Guest decided to submit lines of his own in addition to the exchange copy. The edition of copies rapidly sold out. Guest and his brother also published his next compilation, Just Glad Things, which sold copies.

Organisation of Analysis

These poems formed the contents of a third collection, issued that year. Guest in the American scrapbook, and in the American head than any national poet since Longfellow. His view, however, was that optimism was the best response to personal disappointments, and that things tended to work out for the best. The fact that he was grown and a man, combined with his explicit assurances that the past still survived, strengthened his authority.

Thus equipped, he became a sage for readers beset by the consequences of a modernizing, increasingly impersonal society. Innocence—in the form of openness and trust—also marked the relationship he established with his readers by means of his domestic subject matter.

Listened to a fool state that Edgar A. Guest was a great poet. What a damnable idea. Guest had by then achieved some recognition outside Detroit, not only because of the exchange system but also because the Free Press sought circulation beyond its immediate region. In addition, he had a greeting card contract with the Buzza company of Minneapolis. The rise of syndicates in the late nineteenth century, however, fostered much greater non-local distribution.

Adams, however, had no complaints: His performances were calculated to look extemporaneous but were thoroughly planned. Not surprisingly, in he was willing to spend several months in Hollywood under a contract to Universal Studios, although this ultimate American image-making effort faltered when no one could devise an acceptable script featuring Guest. Guest combining domesticity and business acumen.

Print Collection, Miriam and Ira D. Love was also present, expressed in the letters that passed between men who shared long-standing friendship and common values. How could a perfectionistic fashioner of soulful lyrics, a practitioner of literature, have any connection to a writer of simple jingles? Yet, however different the two were in aesthetic and moral terms, the tensions and ambiguities they evinced in common amount to an unlikely but unmistakable resemblance culturally.

Together they demonstrate that poets and readers could imagine themselves as modern in ways that mingled new styles and behaviors with those of the past. A telling illustration of that larger point comes from an undated newspaper clipping in the diary of a Wisconsin librarian named Flora Neil Davidson, who was forty-three at the time.

As a member of the audience, Millay joined the company of others who were stylish, wellconnected, and at ease in the precincts of Broadway. The reader of the text, the actress Eleanor Robson, was in private life the society matron Mrs.

August Belmont. Harriman, Mr.

Kermit Roosevelt, and the Thomas Lamonts. The only dignitary notably absent for most of the night was the reclusive poet himself, who made a reluctant appearance toward the end.

In fact, the Tristram evening, while based on sincere respect for Robinson, was essentially a marketing ploy for the Literary Guild, founded the previous year. His solution was twofold. Invitations printed like wedding announcements and specifying that Mrs. The guild then selected Tristram as an offering to its members, furnishing a full description of the Little Theater tribute and a list of its sponsors in its monthly newsletter.

In order to charge subscribers a higher price than Tristram alone could bring, Carl Van Doren also enlisted his brother Mark to write a book about Robinson that the guild could package with the poem. Mark did so in three weeks. Marketing Robinson as a glitzy celebrity worked: Some of the same factors that limited its popularity before the renaissance of the pre—World War I era affected its production, dissemination, and reception thereafter.

More recent developments also altered the cultural status of the genre: Despite a sharp downturn during the Depression, the total for came back up to The emergence in the postwar years of a new wave of young publishers, along with book clubs and other agencies for the popularization of the humanities, likewise contributed to the growth of literary markets.

Private printing of a limited edition also remained accessible. The truth probably lies in between.

For prospective poets the freer style made the distinction between amateur and professional seem easier to transcend. Furthermore, as free verse gained acceptance, turning to that form was not necessarily the compositional equivalent of rebelling against middle-class mores. In this twentieth century in America one does not have to be Sophocles, or Shakespeare, or George Eliot, or Browning, or even Melville or Hawthorne or Walt Whitman to be read by his fellow citizens.

On that basis, the trade journal calculated that 60 percent of these books had come from twelve houses. Certain publishers also continued to operate from a personal involvement in the genre. Benjamin W. Huebsch, for example, was known for paying the expenses of verse publication out of his own pocket. Farrar and Rinehart John Farrar being a poet ; Viking where Huebsch had gone after ending his own imprint ; and the still-active house of Frederick A.

In addition, a few commercial presses accepted partial or full subventions from authors: On a larger scale were the nationwide lecture appearances of the sort that Millay and Guest made in the same period. These activities were extensions of the nineteenth-century Chautauqua circuit, but in their modern form they shared in the promotional techniques that advertisers were learning to develop for consumer goods at this time. Lingering American provincialism added a special glamour to the events honoring poets from Great Britain.

Yet his absent-mindedness only added to the image of the poet as an unworldly seer. For example, Amy S. The affair, attended by hundreds including representatives of thirty-six nations , included an arrangement by the dancer Ruth St.

Even in the early s, when total downloads of poetry volumes were up, the booksellers understood their efforts as a rejoinder to the idea that the genre had limited appeal. Yet retailers also acknowledged that the key to selling verse was to treat it differently from other kinds of books. Under the leadership of George Brett, Jr. When the poet John G. Neihardt expressed his concern that the less expensive format would adversely affect his trade sales, Brett replied: They will be promoted by different methods and kept quite distinct.

The series was to include attractively designed pamphlets devoted to Whitman, Poe, Emily Dickinson, and leading contemporary poets such as Millay and Nathalia Crane.

To secure reprint rights, Schuster promised not the usual permissions fees but instead a 5 percent royalty to be divided between the poets and their original publishers.

In that way, the Pamphlet Poets would help to achieve the great audience which Whitman sought for America. The volume was Landscape with Figures, by a year-old college student named Lionel Wiggam. Viking produced an attractive edition that included wood engravings. Those steps generated an advance sale of more than 2, copies, and hence enough income to launch the sort of hefty advertising campaign in nationally circulating literary journals that unknown authors usually did not receive.

At Macmillan, for example, when Brett reassured John G. Neihardt about the viability of the school edition, he simultaneously refused to do an illustrated volume which the poet had requested—illustrations obviously being more expensive than plain text.

Advertising was a particular bone of contention. He received a predictable response: Yet, we wish to do this sort of book whenever conditions permit, as part of an obligation we feel to the reading public. Perceiving isolation at the heart of human existence, and dissociating themselves from the market economy of industrial capitalism, high modernists venerated the artist as loner. Neihardt himself was obviously not in the latter group. This hypothesis seems plausible at least in the case of Wheelock, who was both a poet himself and a traveler in high-culture circles.

Nevertheless, perhaps with jealousy as well as conviction, Wheelock did evince some disdain for the poet with a large following. Many disgruntled readers ascribed to Ciardi somewhat erroneously a preference for the formlessness, obscurity, and insensitivity to feeling they associated with modernism and academic criticism. Lindbergh intends them to without using a lot of double talk and futile phrases that mean nothing either to the reader or the writer.

Why not take this book of poems for what it is, an expression of Mrs. As late as the s, a St. For such individuals, modernism created a dichotomy between the poet as intimate or friend and as alien. When Sandburg, for instance, evoked the sights and smells of the packinghouse—or when Millay alluded to her lovers—there was no mistaking what they meant.

Even those poets not moving, as many do, in the privacy of a dreamworld. While the more accessible poets of the s were easier to assimilate, even the later group could elicit reactions that fell between the extremes of wholesale rejection and wholehearted endorsement—reactions situated instead on the middle ground of demurral, hesitancy, and accommodation. A case in point is the poet and critic William Aspinwall Bradley. Writing in the Bookman for October , Bradley acknowledged that literature could not retain its power without periodic infusions of fresh perceptions and styles.

Other mediators between modernist poets and their audiences were the authors of textbooks and critical studies designed for the general reader. Percy Boynton was one, as were the Van Dorens. So was Deutsch, although she was primarily known as a poet. The most prominent of these popular critics of modernist verse, however, were Marguerite Wilkinson and Louis Untermeyer.

Eliot, but she remained protective of ordinary readers by remarking that modern poetry, having shed sentimentality, required a new infusion of idealism in order to achieve the large audience it deserved. According to Untermeyer, his perspective became less fragmented when he fell in with the Greenwich Village set in the s. Yet Untermeyer, still in the jewelry business, was never fully a Village radical or avant-garde artist, but remained, instead, an emissary from the middle class with an eye on the literary main chance.

Soon he was embellishing that self-concept in print. The result was Modern American Poetry. First issued in , the collection went through eight expansive revisions before In addition to seeking trade sales, Harcourt successfully marketed the volume as a textbook and library reference work. Later versions emphasized those modernists, such as Frost and Hart Crane, whom Untermeyer could assimilate to a Whitmanesque tradition of democratic speech.

His attunement to that market overrode his desire to win the approbation of intellectuals and even poets themselves. At the same time, however, the accommodations to modernism effected in book reviews, reading practices, literary histories, and anthologies preserved or restored at least the possibility of an imagined intimacy between poet and reader. Readers complained in kind.

As New Critics moved into academic English Departments, especially after World War II, they institutionalized what, from the perspective of many ordinary readers, amounted to the poetry of divisiveness and confusion.

The Bollingen Prize controversy, and the diminished prospects for mediation it signaled, furnished the immediate backdrop for the Ciardi-Lindbergh contretemps eight years later. For one thing, the process of absorbing the new that Jarrell himself described continued in certain locales like the college classroom, where the professor embodied the mediator as specialist.

By , when T. Finally, as Jarrell himself implied, not everyone who balked at obscurity demanded word-for-word transparency in its place. Moreover, he shifted the properties of an understandable poem from clear ideas to clear feelings. Eliot may be mixed up. Yet I enjoy him.

And think I understand parts of his poetry. At least, he partially explains the unexplainable. Not in what he says. Rather in what he suggests and in the impressions he leaves—thoughts to which I can cling.

A reader could be traditional and modern simultaneously. Yet alongside those differences in taste, a shared regard for the poet as intimate created commonalities in the expectations and practices that disparate readers brought to the sites at which they encountered verse. Beside him, the teacher, a spinster with a stern exterior and a heart of gold, instructs him to take his hands out of his pockets and stand up straight.

The recitation begins. The teacher summons the next victim, a beribboned girl who completes her far more poised performance with a curtsy. So widely held is that image of the schoolroom poetry recitation, in fact, that Americans are prone to assume the transparency of the practice.

Furthermore, of all the public venues for poetry reading in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the school was the most consistent and predictable: In fact, this was not always the case; many of these materials do indicate how instructors implemented lesson plans.

Some also reveal how students responded. A more serious limitation is that the authors of curricular materials tended to be innovators, and hence atypical teachers. They have as much to teach us as they did their pupils.

Lessons of the Recitation In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, learning poetry in the American school entailed both silent reading and speaking. Reading a poem also meant studying it: Writing in , for example, the progressive educator Hughes Mearns observed: For the whole of the eighth school year it was studied word by word, memorized, scanned, and parsed. At the same time, students read verse aloud. The recitation took place with varying frequency: By contrast, disciplinarians sometimes employed memorizing and reciting poetry as a punishment for misbehavior.

One public school teacher required students to recite Bible verses before she would dismiss them for the weekend. Anthologies such as Francis T. Universities published editions of the works that applicants needed to know. Many teachers in both elementary and high schools devoted ten minutes a day to individual or group recitation of an assigned quotation.

The term in one sense referred to the fact that the quoted lines represented the essence of a longer work. The title page of one volume contained this injunction from the British essayist Sir Arthur Helps: His own books included Essays Written in the Intervals of Business. To convey that idea, the proponents of memory gems employed a different vocabulary: All the values they endorsed were at least loosely, and more often overtly, grounded in Protestant belief.

With respect to the ratio of moralism to quantity of verse, however, the front-runner in the schoolroom group was Longfellow. Only when rumors of his death reach Priscilla and John do they decide to marry. Standish, still alive, turns up at the wedding, proffering an apology that allows both friendship and love to survive.

I am the captain of my soul. The construction of poems that served such moral functions often aided their didactic uses in more subtle ways than mere reliance on commonplace diction: Social success was a not unwelcome by-product of that process.

AS-Level – Songs of Ourselves – Volume 2

It is tempting, of course, to view that assumption solely as evidence of the waning of religious orthodoxy. In attempting to reconcile belief and doubt, Wordsworth, Tennyson, Browning, and others had blurred the boundary between God and man. Readers undergoing their own crisis of faith were relieved to learn, from critics, teachers, and ministers alike, that poetry could substitute for prayer, and that the poet could serve as spiritual guide.

To stand before a hushed class and speak edifying lines on Sunday, and to do the same thing on Monday, could make both experiences seem forms of devotion. In fact, because the psalms remained a part of public school English, the lines might be the same. As the educational reformer Charles A. To drink in these potent truths through poetry and song.

Yet within that framework Porter made ample room for poetry as a delight to the ear and imagination. Most memory gem compilers likewise mingled moral didacticism and aesthetic pleasure. In addition, as teachers knew, rousing stanzas praising national heroes addressed the gender expectations that surrounded the poetic genre. As the discussion of Edgar Guest has already indicated, the assumption that poetry was a feminine pursuit did not enjoy universal acceptance; neither did it entirely prevail in the school setting.

Thus in the historian William E. Yet to the extent that boys faltered in the recitation because they were reluctant to excel publicly in an activity they associated with women, references to war and leadership ostensibly made the experience more palatable to them. The structure of the memorization exercise itself reinforced the virtues of diligence, hard work, and thoroughness. In that respect it was well-suited to the requirements of industrial capitalism.

The analytical mode of poetry reading thus captured the tensions inherent in public education from the start: In that way it mirrored the assumption that Ruth Miller Elson detected in nineteenth-century schoolbooks generally: Moreover, the parsing and so on tended to fragment the text and could actually obscure its moral message. As a set of abridgments, the memory gem anthology may even be seen as a kind of cheating on discipline.

Both collections relied for the primary grades on poems expressly for children, with even more Robert Louis Stevenson and Christina Rosetti selections in the curriculum. Likewise, Nebraska schoolchildren in the lower grades during the mids learned almost the same works as their counterparts in New York. The New York and Nebraska curricula also varied in some individual titles for instance, different choices from Longfellow and Lowell but not in the character of the poems.

In the thirty curricula sampled, the titles for reading prescribed most frequently throughout the period — indicate the tenacity of nineteenth-century culture: Nevertheless, the belief that younger children should build a basis for broad study did make the pre-secondary classroom a less logical place for the introduction of new writing than the high school. A more tangible factor sustaining the status quo was the cost for school districts of newer teaching materials. In many schools, the moral and aesthetic framework of the earlier era held as well.Inwood, Ed.

Covered bridge. All the values they endorsed were at least loosely, and more often overtly, grounded in Protestant belief. Marathi essay on river pollution. Digital revolution Oxygen production, cleaning the soil, controlling noise pollution, taking in carbon dioxide but give out oxygen, cleaning the air, providing shade and coolness, act as our natural air conditioner can be considered as the first few reasons why trees are priceless.